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NON-VIOLENCE AND DECENTRALIZATION
By Carol Moore
Revised version. Original published in 1985 in The Peacemaker, Peace Conversion Times and the Green Letter.
Mahatma Gandhi often said that non-violence and freedom are
inextricably intertwined.
In the first half of the twentieth century he wrote: “The attainment of
freedom,
whether for a man, a nation or the world, must be in actual proportion
to
the attainment of non-violence by each.” And he held that:
“No
action which is not voluntary can be called moral....Any action that is
dictated
by fear or by coercion of any kind ceases to be moral....Freedom of the
individual
is at the root of all progress.” Gandhi believed in these
principles
so much that he advocated that whatever laws were decided upon should
be
enforced only by non-violent police and that armies should be organized
by
non-violent methods. (For Gandhi quotes on these ideas,click here.)
As I will discuss below, more and more non-violent theorists and
activists are exploring the full implications of organizing society by
principles of
non-violence And many of these theorists are coming to the
inalterable conclusion that Gandhi was right–freedom and non-violence
are two sides of
the same coin. Moreover, they are recognizing that without the threat
of
brute military and police violence, most great nation states would
break up
into much smaller political entities; that without violent coercion
decision-making
would be dispersed widely among individuals, groups and self-governing
communities
and cities; that organizing society by principles of non-violence would
decentralize
power throughout society.
Superiority of
Non-Violent Action
Gandhi, Martin Luther King, numerous activists and non-violent scholars
like
Gene Sharp (author of “The Politics of Non-Violent Action” and
“National Security
through Civilian-based Defense”) and Barbara Bondurant (“The Conquest
of
Violence”) have argued and illustrated the superiority of non-violent
to
violent action.
The purpose of non-violent action is to withdraw consent from
government or
other authorities, rather than wrest power from them. Therefore
it
fosters dialogue and education and allows maximum participation by
everyone in society. Non-violence heightens the moral superiority of
the actionists in the eyes of the general public--especially if the
authorities respond to
their sincere and open protest with violence. Even members of the
ruling
classes can be swayed to sympathy by such non-violent actions.
Police
and soldiers wooed with sound political arguments and non-violent
demonstrations
are more likely to come over to the side of the activists than ones
afraid
of being shot and killed by protesters.
Political violence harms groups and movements. It destroys public
sympathy,
reinforces public prejudices against activists, invites police
infiltration
and harassment, and gives the state an excuse to arrest, imprison and
even
kill innocent activists and bystanders. Even advocacy of violence can
have
a detrimental effect on organizing since it divides and demoralizes
activists
and provides the government and media an excuse to attack the advocates.
Violent action usually is practiced predominantly by angry young men,
often with military training, who often become as ruthless towards
other dissidents as they do towards the oppressor. These days the
most vocal advocates of violence are often government
provocateurs. When violent revolutionaries take power, their
regimes usually are as ruthless as their revolutions.
Non-violent non-cooperation by large numbers of people is more
disruptive to the state than violence by smaller numbers; violence only
permits the state
to enhance its power. Overall, non-violent action results in the least
loss
of life and property, the least destruction of the social fabric and
the
greatest assurance that post-resistance society will be free and
peaceful.
In the last twenty years relatively non-violent mass movement--“people
power”--
overthrew the Shah in Iran, Marcos in the Philippines, apartheid in
South
Africa, Suharto in Indonesia, and brought about freedom for Eastern
Europe
and the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Most of these activists
were
at least aware of the success of the efforts of Gandhi and Martin
Luther
King. Some leaders of these movements studied or were trained in
non-violence
. Today, organizations like Non-violence International,
International
War Resisters League and Peacekeepers International are continuing to
spread
these ideas and strategies worldwide.
Non-Violent
Civilian-Based Defense
Influenced by the writings and efforts of Gene Sharp and organizations
like
the Civilian-Based Defense Association, and impressed by the successes
of
non-violent action in recent revolutions, even the Swedish, German and
French
governments have studied the concept of non-violent civilian based
defense.
This a broadening and updating of Gandhi’s notion of “non-violent
armies.”
National militaries would be supplemented and even largely replaced by
training
all citizens in organizing economic, political and social
non-cooperation.
The object would be to destroy an invader's ability to control the
populace
and to undermine its troops’ morale. In 1968, unorganized Czechs
managed
to do this to their Russian invaders for a number of months, bolstering
non-violent
actionists' hopes that an organized and determined populace would deter
any
invasion.
Non-Violent Conflict
Resolution
In the last twenty years non-violent activists in a variety of
movements have
begun to focus on non-violent conflict resolution not only between
nations
but on the interpersonal level between individuals, between warring
gangs
in the inner cities, between religious, racial, ethnic and lifestyle
groups,
and even within their own groups. (As one activist said, “A
pacifist
is a person who can go to a peace meeting and not get in a fight.”)
Conflict between individuals, groups and communities is inevitable--but
bad
will, bad mouthing, sabotage, destruction of property and violence are
not.
Gandhi contended that there is some truth in both or all sides of a
conflict
and that only through non-violence can we appreciate and tolerate
differing
views of truth--or come to an understanding of a greater truth.
Opponents
must be recognized as potential allies, and all sides must search for
resolutions
that are mutually satisfying, “win-win”ones. Of course, various
forms
of protest may be necessary to impress the “opponent” with the
seriousness
and sincerity of one's claims or to convince them to enter into
negotiations.
But negotiations are the goal.
Non-Violent Sanctions
Many non-violent actionists have gone to the next step. They have
come
to regard all political conflict over laws, regulations and taxes as
conflicts
to be resolved non-violently, not as issues to be settled by the vote
of
the majority (usually the defacto will of special interests) and
enforced
by the threat of police violence, confiscation of property and
imprisonment.
Non-violent activist groups have long used consensus-oriented
decision-making in their groups to ensure the maximum of support for
policies, strategies and actions. Many of their members have come
to realize that the same
principle must be applied to politics–only laws, regulations and taxes
supported
by the overwhelming majority of people should be imposed. Only
those
basic community services supported by overwhelming majorities would be
provided,
since the collection of taxes for them would no longer be enforced
through
the threat of police violence. Non-violent resistance to such
laws,
rules or taxes would be a respected component of ongoing community
debate.
Police violence, like individual violence, would be reserved only for
defense of self or others from physical violence. Public courts
and police would
still deal with such universally deplored acts as murder, assault,
pollution,
theft and fraud. However, police would be, as Gandhi said, “a
body
of reformers...composed of believers in non-violence . They will
be
servants, not masters.” To deal with minor offenses, police would
use
education, verbal persuasion and publicly. If that was
ineffective,
they might organize citizen picketing or boycott. More serious
crimes
might result in ostracizing or expelling the individual from the
community.
(This is one variation on the polycentric law idea I detail at length
in
Non-Violent Secessionist Strategies.)
Non-violent sanctions are based on trust that humans who share the
consciousness that violence is illegitimate (except in extreme
circumstances of self-defense) and are taught from childhood the many
subtle and creative ways of attaining their goals without using
violence, will rarely resort to it. To connect
two popular sayings, if “violence begets violence” then “the only way
to
peace, is peace itself!” Otherwise we become willing co-creators of our
violence-wracked
system. As Gandhi said, “Every citizen silently, but never the
less
certainly, sustains the government of the day in ways of which he has
no
knowledge. Every citizen, therefore, renders himself responsible
for
every act of his government.”
Non-Violence and
Decentralization
It is easily arguable why “complete non-violence ” would lead to
political and economic decentralization. Most centralized
governments and nation sates were formed from a number of formerly
autonomous communities, cities and regions through armed
conquest. Some were formed hundreds of years
ago--others only in the last few decades. Their different ethnic,
racial,
religious and national groups are held together by nationalist
jingoism,
government subsidies, and the threat of terrible military vengeance
against
secessionists.
Nevertheless, secessionist sentiments, activities and demands to be
completely free of centralized control have escalated worldwide.
When I first wrote
this piece in 1985 I wrote ”Eastern European and Asian people seek to
free
themselves from Soviet control.” They did so in 1989, and
non-violently.
In fact, it was non-violent change in Czechoslovakia (which itself
later
peacefully divided into two nations) that became known as the “Velvet
Revolution.”
However, Yugoslavia's power-mad leader replied to Croatia and Bosnia’s
attempts
to secede from Yugoslavia with ethnic hatred and “ethnic cleansing” by
the
militarily superior Serbs. Nigeria, Somalia, Sudan, Ethiopia,
Rwanda
and other African nations remain rife with racial, religious and tribal
violence
between communities forced into artificial “nation states,” first by
colonists
and later by repressive dictators. Many of Indonesia’s thousands
of
Islands could decide to go their separate way. India, which contains
hundreds
of religious, linguistic and ethnic groups, continually suppresses its
separatist
factions. Closer to home, should Quebec finally vote to secede,
it
is likely British Columbia might do so as well, breaking up a nation
right
at our borders. And it is clear that demographic, social and
economic
factors already are dividing America. Only the smallest and most
culturally
and politically homogenous nations could be held together if they had
to
rely on non-violent sanctions and non-violent armies or civilian-based
defense.
Once free of the fear of violence from centralized authorities,
decentralization would probably proceed quite rapidly as counties
seceded from states, cities from counties and even neighborhoods from
cities. The concept of “neighborhood power” would become a
reality. Innumerable experiments with non-violent governance
would be tried and those which proved most successful would become
most popular. Networking and confederations between neighborhoods,
communities,
cities and regions would be necessary to deal with common problems and
resolve
conflicts. But without massive military violence, there could be no
return
to the centralization of the past.
There is no doubt that we will live in times of mounting economic,
political and military crisis, which will further undermine the
credibility of established institutions and open more people to radical
change. And we may yet experience a devastating nuclear exchange
that will destroy the great nuclear powers. If pacifists and
decentralists are not ready with new visions equal to the crisis and
disasters we face, we can be sure that demagogues of all stripes will
be. It is a matter of human responsibility that we re-think our
politics and create thorough and credible non-violent alternatives–in
full light of their decentralist implications.
The Courage to
Choose Non-Violence
Those of us who believe that humans should conduct our affairs
non-violently should not be afraid of the radically decentralist
implications of our beliefs.
Rather we should explore them and even emphasize them, as do Gandhians,
anarchist
pacifists, libertarians, and many Greens, eco-feminists and
bioregionalists.
They oppose the structural violence of large nation states.
Many who say they are committed to non-violence and non-violent
conflict resolution
merely use non-violent action to strengthen state power–and the state’s
excuses
for, and ability to use, violence against citizens. This includes
activists
in the feminist, environmentalist, labor, anti-racism and bigotry,
anti-corporate,
and social welfare movements. Perhaps the epitome of this
hypocrisy
is the gun control movement which calls for heavily armed federal
agents
to assault, arrest and imprison Americans who refuse to give up the
ever-growing
list of proscribed weapons. In fact, it is the fear of such a vicious
and
powerful state that is causing freedom-lovers to arm themselves so
heavily.
Meanwhile too many pro-freedom activists who challenge the growing
state power
and violence believe the old saw that there are only two political
alternatives,
the ballot or the bullet. (A statement with which leftist who advocate
violence
also agree.) Freedom lovers must take the step their “liberal
opponents”
have taken: learn the effectiveness of non-violent action and conflict
resolution
in social, economic, and political protest and resistance.
Members of groups left and right must learn more about non-violent
conflict resolution between individuals, groups and nations, about
non-violent civilian-based defense against political repression and
foreign invasion, and about non-violent sanctions as the alternative to
violent sanctions in enforcing rules and laws.
And
having learned about those they may finally come to the conclusion that
Gandhi
did--that only the voluntary society is moral and that the essence of
human
enlightenment is organizing our affairs in a voluntary manner without
the
ever present threat of state violence. As Gandhi said, the only
way
to peace is peace itself.
Copyright 1998 by Carol Moore. Permission to reprint freely granted, provided the article is reprinted in full and that any reprint is accompanied by this copyright statement and the URL http://www.carolmoore.net